Seth Afum A. Dankwah calls for a national truce involving political parties, traditional authorities, religious leaders, security agencies and social media influencers to address political insults and concerns over selective justice.

President John Dramani Mahama has been urged to convene a national dialogue to address what has been described as Ghana’s growing culture of political insults, following the arrest and prosecution of individuals accused of making offensive comments about political leaders.

In an opinion article titled “These Nonsense Must Stop: Ghana’s Cycle of Insult Politics, and Why President Mahama Must Now Lead a National Truce,” Seth Afum A. Dankwah of J. G. Knol Technical Institute in Adukrom, Akuapem, Eastern Region, argues that the country needs a coordinated approach to political communication rather than relying primarily on arrests and prosecutions.

He believes the current situation raises questions about consistency in the application of the law, freedom of expression and the treatment of individuals accused of insulting public officials.

Dankwah maintains that criticism of government policies should remain permissible, even when strongly expressed, but argues that personal attacks against families, traditional leaders and religious figures should be addressed.

Ghana Jollof controversy

The author begins by highlighting the controversy surrounding a TikTok account known as Ghana Jollof, which he says has attracted more than 151,000 followers through videos and commentary targeting the President, his wife and members of his government.

According to Dankwah, the account has become a prominent feature of Ghana’s online political discussions, with security agencies reportedly searching for its operator.

He alleges that the content is motivated by political vengeance on behalf of the New Patriotic Party (NPP), although he does not provide evidence establishing that claim.

The article then recounts the arrest of Salomey Awity Baffoe, a 40-year-old Senior Nursing Officer and mother of three, in Hansua, Techiman.

Dankwah states that at approximately 11:30 p.m. on September 13, 2026, three men who identified themselves as National Security personnel arrived at a residence and took her away.

He claims that when her family attempted to locate her, the Bono East Police and the regional National Security office initially said they had no records of her arrest.

Two days later, according to the account, Baffoe appeared before the Adenta Circuit Court in Accra, where she was remanded for two weeks over a charge relating to the publication of false news.

The author says the police identified her as the person behind Ghana Jollof. However, he argues that the account’s subsequent activity raised questions about that identification.

On September 17, 2026, the police reportedly declared another woman, Barbara Asantewaa Kodua, wanted in connection with the Ghana Jollof account.

The 40-year-old was said to have last been seen at Kotoka International Airport on August 4, 2022, and was believed to be in the United Kingdom.

According to the article, she was wanted for allegedly inciting violence.

Dankwah questions the circumstances surrounding Baffoe’s arrest and argues that the case has intensified public debate about the manner in which authorities investigate alleged online offences.

The author argues that political insults have become part of Ghana’s partisan culture, with supporters often defending offensive commentary when their parties are in opposition but condemning similar conduct when they assume power.

He observes that governments, traditional authorities and religious leaders frequently become targets of such commentary.

The article references former presidents Jerry John Rawlings, John Agyekum Kufuor, John Evans Atta Mills, John Dramani Mahama and Nana Addo Dankwa Akufo-Addo, arguing that each experienced political insults during their respective periods in public office.

Dankwah recalls that Mills once described himself as a father to all, presenting the statement as an example of a response that sought to rise above partisan hostility.

He also argues that Mahama experienced sustained insults during his first presidency, between 2012 and 2016, while Akufo-Addo faced similar criticism throughout his eight-year administration.

The author says the controversy surrounding Ghana Jollof cannot be fully understood without considering previous cases involving public figures and political commentary.

Kevin Taylor and the Asantehene

Dankwah points to the case of US-based Ghanaian broadcaster Kevin Ekow Taylor, host of With All Due Respect, as an example of what he considers inconsistent treatment of individuals accused of making offensive remarks.

According to the article, Taylor repeatedly criticised the Asantehene, Otumfuo Osei Tutu II, between 2021 and 2025.

The author also references a comment Taylor allegedly made in June 2025 concerning a decision involving the Despite Museum, claiming that the broadcaster described the Asantehene as having been reduced to a messenger.

Dankwah questions why the alleged remarks did not result in comparable police action.

He further recounts that in 2020, during Akufo-Addo’s administration, Justice Eric Kyei Baffour issued a bench warrant for Taylor over contempt-related proceedings concerning allegations of scandalising the court.

The article says Taylor did not appear before the court at the time and returned to Ghana after the NDC assumed power.

Dankwah states that on July 22, 2025, Taylor appeared at the Supreme Court, which, by a 4-1 majority led by Justice Imoro Amadu Tanko, quashed the warrant.

The author contrasts that outcome with the circumstances surrounding the Ghana Jollof investigation, arguing that the difference in treatment has contributed to concerns about selective justice.

Traditional leaders also affected.

The article also references alleged insults directed at other traditional authorities, including the Okyenhene, Osagyefuo Amoatia Ofori Panin, and Togbe Afede XIV, Agbogbomefia of the Asogli State and former President of the National House of Chiefs.

Dankwah says Togbe Afede has previously warned about the growing level of insults in Ghanaian public discourse, including attacks directed at the presidency.

He also recalls the traditional leader’s reference to the 1994 genocide in Rwanda as a warning about the potential consequences of escalating inflammatory rhetoric.

The author argues that traditional authorities should not be excluded from discussions about how to address the problem.

Dankwah also revisits the 2016 Montie 3 case, involving radio host Salifu Maase, popularly known as Mugabe, and panellists Alistair Nelson and Godwin Ako Gunn.

He states that on June 29, 2016, during the Pampaso programme on Montie 3, the three made threats against Supreme Court judges who had sat on the Abu Ramadan case and threatened to rape then-Chief Justice Georgina Theodora Wood.

The Supreme Court subsequently sentenced the three men to four months’ imprisonment for contempt on July 27, 2016.

According to Dankwah, the NDC later opened a petition book through its Research and Advocacy Platform, seeking a presidential pardon under Article 72 of the 1992 Constitution.

Among those he identifies as signatories were then-Foreign Affairs Minister Hanna Tetteh, Gender Minister Nana Oye Bampoe Addo, Education Minister Jane Naana Opoku-Agyemang and Deputy Education Minister Samuel Okudzeto Ablakwa.

The author says Mahama granted the three men a pardon on compassionate grounds on August 22, 2016, after they had spent 27 days in prison.

He adds that the Supreme Court subsequently upheld the pardon by a 5-2 majority.

Dankwah uses the case to question why individuals accused of making offensive political comments should face significantly different treatment depending on the circumstances and political context.

He asks whether the decision to pardon the Montie 3 can be reconciled with the current approach to alleged online insults.

The article also refers to an incident during Akufo-Addo’s presidency in which NPP supporters allegedly forced their way into a court sitting in Kumasi to remove a colleague.

Dankwah argues that the incident did not attract what he considers corresponding justice from the government at the time.

He maintains that concerns about selective enforcement of the law therefore predate the current administration.

The author further cites several arrests he says occurred in July 2026.

These include Camilla Alhassan, who was allegedly arrested over a claim that Mahama buried 32 cows to win the election; Rita Konadu, popularly known as Mamaone, who was reportedly arrested in Juaben; and Aminat, known as Bawumia Ba, who was allegedly rearrested.

He also references the arrest of Prince Aboagye, an NDC organiser in Agona West, over alleged insults against former Vice-President Dr Mahamudu Bawumia.

According to Dankwah, Aboagye was granted bail of GH¢200,000.

The author notes that Bawumia reportedly said he had not authorised the action and called for the case to be discontinued.

He also recalls a similar gesture by former President Mills, who, according to the article, allowed an NPP supporter accused of insulting him in Kumasi to go free.

Dankwah further references comments attributed to NPP’s Abronye and an alleged slur by an NDC activist suggesting that Bawumia eats pork.

He argues that such incidents demonstrate the need for a consistent response to offensive political commentary regardless of party affiliation.

The author cites concerns attributed to gender advocate Akosua Manu, who reportedly warned that the arrest of women from their homes around midnight could create the impression of abduction.

According to Dankwah, Manu cautioned that continued harassment of women over online commentary could lead to the emergence of more accounts similar to Ghana Jollof, describing the potential unintended consequences as a “cobra effect.”

He also references lawyer Martin Kpebu, who reportedly warned that Mahama could end up arresting a large number of TikTok users if the current approach continues.

The author argues that such concerns should prompt the government to reconsider how it handles allegations involving online speech.

Dankwah believes Mahama is particularly positioned to initiate a national dialogue because he has experienced political insults, benefited from political commentary directed at opponents and granted the Montie 3 a presidential pardon during his previous administration.

He argues that the President could use those experiences to bring political actors together and establish a framework for addressing the issue.

The author proposes that Mahama invite representatives of the NPP, Dr Bawumia, Akufo-Addo, the National House of Chiefs, the Christian Council, the Chief Imam, the Ghana Journalists Association, security agencies, the Judiciary, heads of state-owned enterprises, social media influencers and NDC leadership to the Jubilee House.

The proposed meeting, he says, should focus on dialogue and the development of a national agreement rather than arrests.

He recommends that participants sign a Charter Against Insult Politics, which would establish a moratorium period before the introduction or application of a clear and fair legal framework.

Three proposals to address political insults

The author outlines three key proposals he believes should guide the process.

1. Protect criticism while discouraging personal attacks

Dankwah argues that criticism of government policies should be permitted, regardless of how strongly it is expressed.

However, he says personal attacks and insults directed at people’s families, wives, mothers, chiefs, and pastors should be discouraged, irrespective of their political affiliations.

2. Ensure equal treatment under the law

He calls for the same legal standards to apply to everyone accused of offensive political commentary.

The author proposes that authorities avoid midnight raids over speech-related allegations and instead use daytime invitations, ensure access to lawyers and provide same-day bail.

He specifically references Ghana Jollof, Kevin Taylor, Bawumia Ba and Ako Gunn as individuals whose cases, in his view, illustrate the need for consistent treatment.

3. Suspend arrests and pursue a moral campaign

Dankwah urges the government to suspend the current arrest approach and lead a national campaign promoting responsible political communication before relying on law enforcement.

He also calls on Mahama to halt the CID search for Ghana Jollof and allow courts to handle proven cases of false publication through transparent legal proceedings.

These insults must stop.

In his concluding appeal, Dankwah says Ghana needs leadership that can acknowledge the country’s history of political insults while taking steps to prevent further escalation.

He argues that a national truce would provide an opportunity for political parties and other influential institutions to agree on standards that apply equally to all sides.

The author maintains that the proposed initiative should not prevent legitimate criticism of public officials but should help establish boundaries around personal attacks and the treatment of individuals accused of online offences.

He concludes by urging Mahama to seize the current controversy surrounding Ghana Jollof as an opportunity to initiate the dialogue.

“President Mahama must call off the CID search and let courts handle proven falsehoods transparently,” Dankwah states in his recommendations.

He adds that the President should acknowledge his own experiences with political insults and use them to lead efforts towards a national agreement.

“These insults nonsense must indeed stop,” the author concludes.